A special thank you to all my followers, wherever you are. Peace be with you this season of joy and reflection. Yolanda
A special thank you to all my followers, wherever you are. Peace be with you this season of joy and reflection. Yolanda
In the early days of researching my father’s family, the Beauchamps, I came upon a website created by Dick Garneau, now deceased. It is called “Canadian History: A Distinct Viewpoint”. He was in pursuit of his Metis ancestry. I had been directed to a page which listed inhabitants of Detroit, Michigan who paid rent between 1707 and 1710. In the list, the two voyageur brothers, Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp (sons of original settler Jacques Beauchamp and Marie Dardenne) were listed as non-rent payers alluding to the fact that they were probably just there to deliver goods as “freemen”. We find the term “freemen” strongly linked to the Metis. It is certainly symbolic of the culture. Also on the list were two Bazinet brothers, Pierre and Joseph. Joseph paid a “town rent”. The Beauchamps and Bazinets were both from Pointe aux Trembles, north of Montreal. I should note that Jacques and Pierre were the sons of Jacques Beauchamp, my ancestor Jean, was their uncle.
Later, I came upon the website “Maple Stars and Stripes” and listened to a podcast called “Settling Detroit” with Suzanne Sommerville. She had written a book with two other members of the French-Canadian Heritage Society of Michigan called ” Le Détroit du Lac Érié 1701-1710, Volumes I and II”. In it are transcripts of voyageur contracts for Detroit. Some of the records for the Beauchamp family and relations found were:
On 30 May 1705, Jacques Urbain Rochert acting for the Compagnie de la Colonie de Canada, hired Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp to make a voyage to Detroit. Cadillac had been cleared of charges for trafficking in furs and alcohol and was on the way to lay the foundations for the great city. (p.312)
On 7 April 1707, Francois Ardouin, acting for Antoine de Lamothe, sieur de Cadillac, hired Pierre and Joseph Bazinet and Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp of Pointe aux Trembles to transport 300 livres worth of merchandise to Detroit. Again, the two brothers Bazinet, had married the two Beauchamp sisters, Anne and Catherine. (p.324)
On 25 April 1707, Pierre and Joseph Bazinet and Jacques Beauchamp borrowed money from a Montreal merchant, Pierre Perthuis to finance another voyage to Detroit. (p.326
On 25 April 1707, Jacques Beauchamp and Joseph Bazinet again borrowed money from Jean Baptiste Neveu, a Montreal merchant for merchandise for a voyage to Fort Ponchartrain (p.327)
On 5 June 1707, Pierre Beauchamp was hired by Francois Ardouin acting for Antoine de Lamothe, sieur de Cadillac for a voyage to Detroit. (p.327)
Also on that page is Toussant Dardenne, maternal cousin to the Beauchamp brothers, borrowing money and contracting for voyages to Fort Pontchartrain and Detroit. Toussaint is also found on the Census of Detroit in 1710.
On page 337, we find my 9th grand aunt, Barbe Loisel who married first at 13 and then twice thereafter leaving “no posterity” or children. On 5 Sept 1708, Barbe , as wife of Louis LeGantier, Sieur de Lavallée and de Rané who was in Detroit as an officer of the Marines, created an obligation or debt to purchase merchandise and wearing apparel which would be sold in Detroit. On 6 Sept she lent money for goods to Jean Gros/Legros dit la Violette of Lachine. As Dame de René, she had granted certain droits or rights to Jacques Alexis Fleury which he repaid in Montreal. We can see that she had gained status through her marriage. Also on this day she hired la Violette and Joseph Lamy to take her by canoe to Fort Pontchartrain to join her husband but not until she had formed a business association by proxy with Jacques Cardinal of Lachine and borrowed yet again for merchandise and equipment for the voyage from Madeleine Marchand. One might surmise that Barbe had been waiting for directions from her husband and once received she quickly implemented them. That marriage lasted 21 years after which she married an interpreter to the Ottawa Indians, Francois Fafard-Delorme. He died and she returned home to Montreal and died at the age of 79 on December 24, 1742 at the Hôpital Général. Barbe was sister to Jeanne Loisel, wife of Jean Beauchamp, pioneer, and my 8th great-grandmother.
27 Sept 1708 another brother-in-law to Jacques and Pierre, Pierre Hunault dit Deschamps signs an obligation for merchandise for a voyage to Detroit with his son Pierre Hunault and Pierre Chesne. Pierre was married to Catherine Beauchamp.
The names of the two sets of brothers, Bazinet and Beauchamp, can be found in Detroit’s first directory. Since their children were all born in Quebec one might assume that the list included those who were not permanent residents. The two families however, may be considered among the “voyageur families” . The names of Pierre, Jacques, Francois and Joseph who often worked under their uncle Pierre Hunault as well as Antoine and Henri are listed in the Voyageurs Database of the SHSB in Winnipeg. Their deaths are primarily recorded in Quebec.
What of the lives of the Bazinet sisters who married Jacques and Pierre, left behind while the men traveled? Catherine fared better then her sister, all of her 9 children lived to a reasonable age. Such was not the case with Anne. Out of the 18 children she bore, 9 died in infancy, including 2 sets of twins. She had married at the relatively mature age of 17 unlike our Barbe who was married at 13. One can only imagine the hardships of running a farm while your husband was away. Pierre died in 1722 at 46, leaving her a widow at 40. Catherine and Jacques both died in 1719, months apart. Anne seems to have outlived everyone in spite of her hardships, dying in 1751.
Sources: PRDH, SHSB, Ancestry.ca
Let us see how close we can come to pinning down the said Jacques Beauchamp who traveled to the Pacific with Alexander Mackenzie. What do we know?
Firstly, we know that all Beauchamps from North America derive from the pioneers, Jacques and Jean Beauchamp. In my case, Jean Beauchamp. We follow the family down from Jean, using the PRDH records for each child to 1800 which is when they stop. We need a Jacques who would be of age to be experienced and working as a voyageur at the time of Mackenzie’s hiring for the trip. The trip was in 1793 and the average age to start voyaging was 22 years. Most voyageurs retired, many due to ill health, in their 60’s.
We know that Jacques gained a reputation when he refused to embark when ordered to by Mackenzie (the canoe had pretty much fallen apart by this time, causing mutinous murmurs among the men). From Mackenzie’s journal, “The next morning, Friday, while the work of repairing the canoe was in progress, the two Canadian scouts came in, hungry, cold, and ragged, with a report substantially the same as that of the Indian. They had seen the larger river, however, but were of the opinion it would be necessary to carry everything to it, owing to the obstacles to navigation in the stream they had embarked on. The canoe was patched up and on Saturday the journey was continued, four men in the canoe, the others carrying on shore part of the freight. That morning Mackenzie experienced the first instance of disobedience to mar the journey. Beauchamp flatly refused to embark in the canoe when ordered.” (1) I suspect that Jacques was one of the scouts and realized what peril the men would be in.
The closest record I have so far of a family member who might have been on Mackenzie’s expedition is below. Again from the Voyageur Database at the SHSB.
The forename is different but name interchanges were common during that period. Joseph Beauchamp is the name that figures most prominently among the family voyageurs in Montreal and the Northwest. I saw no suitable candidates among Jacques Beauchamp’s descendants. The whole family of this Joseph was from Lachine, Quebec, the start point of all expeditions. There is a brother Jacques at the bottom but no contract for him.
Here is a map of the area and Mackenzie’s two voyages. undertaken to find a new trade route for the country. The northern route to the Arctic covered 4800 kilometres (3000 miles), the route to the Pacific, 3700 kilometres or 2300 miles all with 8 other men in a birch bark canoe 25 feet long. Mackenzie had been greatly influenced and inspired by Peter Pond‘s travels to the west.
It is hard to describe the vastness of Canada and the thought of crossing thousands of miles over any part of it in a canoe is well… rather incredulous. Never the less, the man was found in Mackenzie who lead his men on to the end, not without strong resistance. In Volume 2 of his book “Voyages from Montreal…” he records one of many incidents which tested the endurance of every man there, recorded June 13, 1793.
” Thursday, 13. —At an early hour of this morning the men began to cut a road, in order to carry the canoe and lading beyond the rapid; and by seven they were ready. That business was soon effected, and the canoe reladen, to proceed with the current which ran with great rapidity. In order to lighten her, it was my intention to walk with some of the people; but those in the boat with great earnestness requested me to embark, declaring, at the same time, that, if they perished, I should perish with them. I did not then imagine in how short a period their apprehension would be justified. We accordingly pushed off, and had proceeded but a very short way when the canoe struck, and notwithstanding all our exertions, the violence of the current was so great as to drive her sideways down the river, and break her by the first bar, when I instantly jumped into the water, and the men followed my example; but before we could set her straight, or stop her, we came to deeper water, so that we were obliged to re-embark with the utmost precipitation. One of the men who was not sufficiently active, was left to get on shore in the best manner in his power. We had hardly regained our situations when we drove against a rock which shattered the stern of the canoe in such a manner, that it held only by the gunwales, so that the steersman could no longer keep his place. The violence of this stroke drove us to the opposite side of the river, which is but narrow, when the bow met with the same fate as the stern. At this moment the foreman seized on some branches of a small tree in the hope of bringing up the canoe, but such was their elasticity that, in a manner not easily described, he was jerked on shore in an instant, and with a degree of violence that threatened his destruction. But we had no time to turn from our own situation to enquire what had befallen him; for, in a few moments, we came across a cascade which broke several large holes in the bottom of the canoe, and started all the bars, except one behind the scooping seat. If this accident, however, had not happened, the vessel must have been irretrievably overset. The wreck becoming flat on the water, we all jumped out, while the steersman, who had been compelled to abandon his place, and had not recovered from his fright, called out to his companions to save themselves. My peremptory commands superseded the effects of his fear, and they all held fast to the wreck; to which fortunate resolution we owed our safety, as we should otherwise have been dashed against the rocks by the force of the water, or driven over the cascades. In this condition we were forced several hundred yards, and every yard on the verge of destruction; but, at length, we most fortunately arrived in shallow water and a small eddy, where we were enabled to make a stand, from the weight of the canoe resting on the stones, rather than from any exertions of our exhausted strength. For though our efforts were short, they were pushed to the utmost, as life or death depended on them.
This alarming scene, with all its terrors and dangers, occupied only a few minutes; and in the present suspension of it, we called to the people on shore to come to our assistance, and they immediately obeyed the summons. The foreman, however, was the first with us; he had escaped unhurt from the extraordinary jerk with which he was thrown out of the boat, and just as we were beginning to take our effects out of the water, he appeared to give his assistance. The Indians, when they saw our deplorable situation, instead of making the least effort to help us, sat down and gave vent to their tears. “
Later, as I previously mentioned, in 1804, Jacques as steersman for explorer, Duncan Livingston was killed by the Esquimaux along with the rest of the party. If he was steersman for Mackenzie, he would have been in the seat when the bottom was smashed out of the canoe. Throughout Mackenzie’s book, we hear repeatedly of the fears of the native people; fear of the environment, fear of attack and fear of starvation, problems they still face today.
The actual start of the fur trade was of course, with the natives themselves. By the end of the 16th century, around 500 Basque ships were fishing in Canadian waters. Basque country straddled north-western Spain and south-western France at the western end of the Pyrenees Mountains in Europe. A whale fishery had been established at Tadoussac where the Saquenay River meets the St. Lawrence. The French had found the main route to the interior of the continent and French names were given to the rivers and islands along this route. Along the way though they had alienated the Iroquois who occupied the area and controlled the neighboring tribes. If the Iroquois opposed them, the French had no hope of occupying the St. Lawrence or any area beyond it.
Cod from the Atlantic coast became an economic mainstay of northwestern France. The fishermen began to compete and moved further down the St. Lawrence. The small trade of goods for furs was already going on but it did not take long until the fishermen realized it was a much easier way to make money. Competition soon rose as the men competed to reach the tribes first. At the crux of this commerce was the economic partnership between the Europeans and the First Nations.
The fur of the Canadian beaver, useful in the creation of felt, was a superior pelt to the Russian or Scandinavian. It was first softened by being used as robes and coverings for the natives. Then the swindle began, a few cheap goods, such as an axe or knife worth 1 livre might be traded for a pelt worth 20 livres. Felts hats sold in Paris for 30 livres. The natives themselves saw little value in a sweaty fur. Tadoussac, now became a summer meeting place for over a thousand Algonquin, Etchimin and Montagnais every summer. They learned to barter and wait until several ships arrived to drive competition up between the French.
When the Iroquois were finally “brought to terms” by the sending of French troops to Canada, the fur trade boomed at the expense of the colony. It would be some time before the King and his minister Colbert, would see anything like the centralized colony they had envisioned. The First Nations were bound to the French by commercial and military alliances, alliances that were formed to counter the competition of unlicensed traders at Tadoussac. The unlicensed traders were The Dutch and English who had now entered into the fur trade. These military alliances kept them contained along the Atlantic seaboard and the shores of Hudson Bay. In the early years of the struggles between the French and English, the First Nations held the greater part of control because of their vast numbers.
During the time of negotiation with the Iroquois, in 1665, 400 Ottawa arrived at Trois-Rivieres with 150,000 livres worth of fur. The next year, 100,000 livres worth reached La Rochelle. In 1667, 550,000 livres worth of furs was sent to France. (1) However, even with a 50% reduction in price, vast wealth was still to be gained. With peace, traders and natives could travel back and forth in safety, and even further into the west to avoid the native middlemen. The call of wealth and adventure lured the Canadiens further and further into the wilderness.
At any given point in their life, a voyageur may have been an explorer, a settler or even a soldier but firstly, let us make a differentiation. In Canada, the term “voyageur” came into use primarily after Colbert, minister of the marine for Louis XIV, decided that licenses or “conges” must be issued for any merchant wishing to send his men to trade for furs. This the “coureurs des bois” who traded for themselves summarily flouted. They were men who had adapted to the life of the Indian and in fact, took on many of their ways. The voyageur one might view as an employee or merchant, the coureurs des bois as an outlaw.
What was the personality of the voyageur like? We should firstly look at his life in France. The communities were small and unless he was a soldier it is unlikely that he would have traveled too far out of his parish. The church and his family would be foremost in his mind but he would be no stranger to war, for France was plagued by political and religious war for centuries. The family of Jacques and Jean Beauchamp, my ancestors, migrated from Nanthieul de Bourzac in Perigord, to La Rochelle on the coast for what reason I have not ascertained except for that La Rochelle was a haven for the Huguenots. We know that La Rochelle was put under siege by Richelieu to bring her under control of France. So, we know that these people were hardened by war.
Yet, in her book, “The Voyageur“, Grace Lee Nute describes the voyageur as having “extreme courtesy”. She says ” His Gallic ancestry was nowhere so evident as in the deferential ease with which he addressed his superiors, the Indians, ladies or men of his own class. The French language came to his aid here, for though he could neither read not write, his by birthright were the graceful French phrases and expressions which mean little and yet are so effectual in establishing cordial relations. ” (1)
His stature was short and compact , his torso large and muscular from hours of rowing. His dark hair, kept long, his clothing highly decorative after the manner of his native brothers. He was often dirty and unkempt. When he got older, he was likely to bear the scars of an animal attack or accident and be crippled with rheumatism.
In the spring, some hundred canoes would leave Montreal for the west to transport trade goods and supplies for the garrisons. They would travel up the Ottawa River to Michilimackinac, then to Lake Michigan and the Sioux country, overland from Lake Superior to the Mer de l’Ouest which was a huge region centered around Lake Winnipeg. Then they paddled along the Saskatchewan River to the Rocky Mountains. Many traveled only to Michilimackinac, Green Bay or Kaministiquia , delivering goods and returning to Montreal with pelts. Others would stay to trade with the Indians or would be simply returning to a semi-permanent home from which they would trade further inland.
Before they could even leave Montreal though, there was a procedure that had to be followed. A permit had to be obtained by the merchant (who was supplying the goods to be traded with the Indians) to send one or more canoes to a specified post. It also controlled the area to be traded in, the number of men, their names and places of residence. The men were required to carry a musket and were limited to four jugs of brandy each which they were forbidden to use in trading with the Indians. There was a large fine if the crew list was changed, and if a voyageur did not give his correct name or residence. Thus, the authorities kept track of all the men who left the colony and where they were at all times. A contract was duly notarized with the merchant who hired them. It stipulated the destination and duration of the voyage, wages and position in the canoe, stern, bow or center. Sometimes the men would be given goods they could trade on their own account. (2)
Below an example, with two of the men in my family, Pierre Hunault Deschamps (husband of Catherine Beauchamp) as lead voyageur and Francois Beauchamp as an engage.
Notes: If you right click on your mouse, you should get an option to open the images in a new page which should enlarge them.
Footnotes- (1) Nute, Grace Lee , The Voyageur, 1931, Reprint 1986 D. Appleton, New York
(2) Eccles, W.J., The Canadian Frontier, 1534-1760, 1969 Holt, Rinehart and Winston,Inc.,New York
You might or might not like to think or talk about what your family’s personal traits were as you uncover your family history, but there is no doubt that they affect you . My parents, Sheila Joy Richard Phillips and Edmond Guillaume Daniel Beauchamp, were very lively characters, you can almost tell by their names. Both ran fairly close to the stereotype of their ancestors, Scots-Irish and Canadien-Metis. Indeed, the way they grew up in very enclosed communities, propagated it. There were few occurrences my mother did not have a saying for. Her favorite one was “you’ll meet yourself coming back”, her admonition about parenting.
It is strange, how one recalls things in spite of trying so desperately to be our own person. There is a corner in our town which has a beautiful grove of ancient poplar trees. When the wind blows the leaves turn to their underside and create a stunningly beautiful silver patch. When this happens I hear my mother’s voice saying “Lan, it’s gonna rain”. It inevitably does.
My father, raised by a strict Catholic mother, was very intent on having me raised that way, absorbing all the rites and rituals of the church. He had a huge picture of the Sacred Heart placed on a wall in our home and told me that ” a family who prayed together stayed together”. At night, he did not so much as tuck me in as terrify me of the evil that could befall when I was sleeping, to wit, he crossed my hands over my chest for protection. It puts me in mind of Don William’s song “Good Ole Boys Like Me“. Somehow, I grew into a very practical person but little things still happen that my daughters and I love to talk about, some might call it “feminine wisdom”.
Yesterday, I was in pursuit of my voyageur ancestors and was trying to nail down the two brothers, Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp who were in Detroit in 1705, having gone on one of Cadillac’s convoys. (pg. 363 Le Detroit du Lac Erie 1701-1710 Vol. 1, Les Harnais and Sheppard 2016). In the Voyageurs Contracts Database of the St. Boniface Historical Society, I came across a contract for Francois Beauchamp which stated that he was the son of the deceased Jacques Beauchamp so I went off the see which Jacques it was. As it happens I scrolled down and saw the name Beauchamp highlighted again and beside it the name Edmond. I thought “there was another Edmond back then? Then I noticed that it was not a voyageur record but a school record (keep in mind that my French is only intermediate). I made out 6e annee and found that it was a school record for my father! I had only typed in the name Beauchamp in the search box to broaden my search and there he was, “mon pere” in his Grades 4,5 and 6 school photos! What are the odds? I do believe he is looking over my shoulder as I write this!
In her book “Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth Century Montreal, Louise Dechêne traced 668 men who took part in the fur trade between 1708 and 1717, the peak departures for the “pays d’en haut” being between 1713 and 1717. Most left in April-May and October to early November, spending every second winter in the colony. The engages who were generally novices, would leave in the spring and return from Michilimakinac or Detroit in late summer. They were hired mainly to man the canoes. More than half came from Montreal, representing a quarter of the local male population. Next to Montreal, Trois-Rivieres sent 54% of her men, then Varennes and Chateauguay between 21% and 30%. fur-trading was not a common occupation for two-thirds of the colonial population. In the outlying regions, travel west was all but unheard of which begs the question of how much the fur trade actually shaped the people’s character.
The majority of voyageurs were Canadian born and received easier credit from merchants as sons of “habitants” than new arrivals who were French soldiers or former soldiers. The soldiers most often married in the colony instead of going off into the country. Brothers followed in each others footsteps, either signing on together or forming partnerships to take advantage of trading permits. In my family, Pierre and Jacques Beauchamp traveled to Detroit together along with their brothers-in-law, Pierre and Joseph Bazinet. Some families who had long traditions in the fur trade were the Cardinals, Rivards, Tessiers, Trottiers, Vandry’s, Menards, Reaumes and Gareaus. These families account for about one quarter of the fur traders. Others might be hired because of their artisanal backgrounds. The crown required the skills of carpenters to work on the western posts and merchants would require surgeons, blacksmiths and gunsmiths who would trade on the side in the down seasons. Dechêne states that “only a thin line separated the voyageurs from small merchants” who would ply their trade in the west and turn to fur trading full -time if they did not succeed. Merchants would send their sons on these trips to learn their trade and they were often sent at a younger age than the others. Their training would often end in a shop in the colony or La Rochelle. Officers sons would often be sent west until their appointments. It was the same for many sons of the upper class. Since recruitment took place at the height of the agricultural season, only a few rural boys would be hired and generally only as engages.
In the sample population for voyageurs, the average age of first departure was 22 or 21 for and engage. Over half the men were between 20 and 30 years old and the average marrying age was typical for Montreal at 28.7. Most families were left behind in Montreal and many of the young men did not marry quickly even after they returned . After citing several reasons this might have been so, Dechene concludes that the most likely is that many of the men relocated south to the Mississippi where they so often traveled. What their fate might have been there is something to ponder.
Conditions on the fur trade expeditions were something akin to slavery and only the fittest could endure IF they didn’t drown or get a ruptured hernia which was often the case. You would paddle 5 or 6 leagues ( approximately 30 kilometres) a day, live off of corn and bear fat for 12 to 18 months (hence the name “mangeurs du lard” for the men who made the short trips). and sleep under bark or branch . You would have to carry two bundles weighing 200 pounds held by a head strap along a portage of undetermined length. Canoes could tip, swarms of mosquitoes drive you mad. You would be depending on your companions for the length of the trip, a reason to choose family. If you impressed the head voyageur on your first trip he might engage others from you family, thus networks were built.
By 1700, an engage would be paid 150-200 livres worth of beaver pelt a year. This would be turned into goods which would be given to creditors or his family. If the trip lasted longer, such as 12 to 18 months, he might earn 300-400 livres. Food was provided free and they could take along clothing, a gun a blanket and other personal effects which were detailed in the contract. These they could barter and could bring back a bundle of pelts worth 50 to 75 livres. These wages were significant enough to bring many of the men back year after year.
Next time, I will be looking at W.J. Eccles book, “The Canadian Frontier” and what he had to say about the Fur Trade.
If you would like to read about what a voyageur looked like and wore, you might enjoy this article.