Some wonderful pictures and newspaper clippings!
via The People
Some wonderful pictures and newspaper clippings!
via The People
In my previous post, “A Free Man”, I mentioned that 23 men had left Ogden’s venture for the American Company. As it happens, 12 men had left Ross’s expedition of 1824 and commenced trapping with the American’s. Later they joined up with the famed , Jedediah Smith . Smith and his party accompanied Ogden out on his first Snake Country expedition to Flathead Post. Ogden suspected him of trying to gain information for his American employer, William Ashley. So, our ancestor Baptiste Beauchamp who was a trapper for the party, would have known Smith or at least have been in contact with him.
At the end of the War of 1812, the British (including Canada) and the Americans were to jointly share occupation of the Columbia River region for a period of 10 years while the northern border was settled. Ogden, who had accidentally traveled south of the 42nd parallel found his tent invaded by Johnson Gardner, leader of an American trapping party, asking him if he knew what country he was in. Ogden insisted it was Oregon territory to which Gardener told him the area had been ceded to the United States. Neither was right and at the time, there were no territorial maps of the area.
Below a map of the Oregon Country/Columbia District during this period and the Forts.Then a heated discussion of HBC policy ensued. Simpson’s policy was to overprice the supplies and equipment which each man went into debt for. Then, when the debt was being paid, he undervalued the furs given in payment. The Freemen, many of them Métis, like the Americans, were quick to “fly the flag”. They needed little provocation to fight and felt little allegiance to anyone . Twelve of the Freemen took their horses and furs and left. I did not see Baptiste on the list of defecting men in William Kittsons journals. Kittson was Ogden’s second in command and kept a more particular journal than Ogden.
It did not take long however, for the HBC men to return back with their tails between their legs. The American system of free enterprise was a little too rough for them. Soon after, Simpson admitted his mistake with some prompting from John McLoughlan, the factor at Fort Vancouver. The HBC also disallowed liquor which ensured fair dealing with the natives who could be easily parted from their furs under its influence
By March 1827, the policy to “hunt the country dry” was still in place. As Ogden moved further afield to do just that, he left the eastern Snake country unprotected, allowing the Americans to move in. Jedediah Smith had crossed into California and north into Oregon for the first time which was a major threat to the HBC. Along the way they were attacked by the Umpqua Indians. Smith had escaped and made it to Fort Vancouver. Governor George Simpson offered him $2600 for his horses and fur. In exchange Smith agreed to stay out of territory west of the Divide.³
During the expedition of 1826, the men began to show signs of food poisoning though the form it took did not make it readily apparent. Symptoms began with severe headaches and pain in their “loins” and extremities. This they thought was from the beaver meat they ate. Ogden not being ill himself decided to eat some. He did not taste any difference in the beaver meat from that area and gloated that it didn’t have any effect on him. Five days later, he was crawling on the ground. It turns out that the beavers were gnawing on hemlock root and that passed down to the meat. Most of the men survived. The cure? A mixture of pepper and gun powder in water as an emetic!
Baptiste Beauchamp is also mentioned by Alexander Henry who travelled with David Thompson, as having been “Thompson’s man” .
If you are interested in Thompson’s expedition to the Columbia River you can follow this link.
In his book, Fur Hunters of the Far West, Alexander Ross ( one of the first explorers of the Columbia and later sheriff of the Red River Colony), very aptly describes the different classes one would find at a fur trade post. He describes the fur trader himself as being caught between two worlds. Because he lived removed from society for lengths of time, he was easily parted from his money and would lose it readily. If he did save money and went into society he became disgusted with the greed he saw there. In the end his wealth seldom did him any good and he did not live into old age.
The virtue of the Canadien is extolled, for no one was better suited to the labour of voyaging than he and he deserved “the highest praise”.
There was a difference however, between the “Freeman” and the “half-breed”. The Freemen were generally Canadiens who were no longer under contract to the Hudsons Bay Company and had been improvident with their money. Not wanting to return home in their old age, they would spend the rest of their days with the natives, there to be joined by wild young men who had “ all of their faults but none of their good qualities“. That description reminds me of the “coureurs des bois” who left Montreal 100 years before and never returned except to turn the city into a debacle of drinking and violence. Ross goes on to state that “there cannot be a better test for knowing a worthless and bad character in this country than his wishing to become a Freeman”.
The inter-racial marriages between the traders and aboriginal women so fondly looked upon by current society had one major fall-out, the abandonment of male children when the father returned to Quebec. Yes, the wife could return to her own people but as he grew the boy was caught between the two cultures, often ending up with the bad traits of both. This made worse by the fact that the wealthier were not allowed to work. The half-breed, “grows up in every respect the pure Indian; with this difference, he is more designing, more daring and more dissolute.” After this description, Ross goes on to talk about how the boy cannot find a place in either world. He is too educated for the native way of life and too restless and wild for the white way of life. He has spent his life with little control and cannot settle. His behavior alienates both sides of his family and he ends up in bad company, his inheritance trickled away. His prospects are actually better if he is from a lower class because he will find some kind of employment and be healthier in general. Ross implores the establishment to take a hand in the lives of these boys, likely for naught. I pity the hard-working mother who was also a victim in this.
Source Material: Pages 296-301 of Fur Hunters of the Far Northwest; A Narrative of Adventures in the Oregon and Rocky Mountains. Published in 1855, Smith, Elder and Company. Accessed 15-01-2018, Google Books https://tinyurl.com/y88x3s5j
In 1824, Alexander Ross was assigned by HBC Governor George Simpson to head an expedition into “Snake Country” . The Snake River runs off of the Columbia River in Washington State and travels south and eastward.
Jean Baptiste Beauchamp or “Baptiste” as he was known, joined the expedition as a trapper. While the main party gathered at Flathead Post (near present day Sanders, Montana), he was at “Prairie de Cheveaux, the council ground of the Salish Nation. (Journal of Alexander Ross, Snake Country Expedition, Feb 10, 1824). He is noted in Bruce Watson’s “Lives Lived West of the Divide”.
Ross speaks about the incident with the Peigan Indians (Blackfoot) in his Journal of the Snake Country Expedition,
Reminds one of a western movie doesn’t it? Who this particular Jean Baptiste is I cannot say for certain. There are several voyageur records for Jean Baptiste Beauchamp for the years between 1794 and 1817 some for the HBC and there is a record for that name born in Pointe aux Trembles, Quebec in 1771 and dying in Louisiana in 1815 . That person married in Missouri in 1795, making him a strong possibility.
Baptiste crops up again in Alexander Henry’s book “The Saskatchewan and Columbia Rivers”. Henry had traveled with Thompson from Lake Winnipeg to Vermilion Alberta.
We next find Baptiste joining up with Peter Skene Ogden after Simpson became disgusted with Ross’s outcome in Snake Country.
Ogden descended from a British loyalist family of good repute but had a violent temper himself. He joined the North West Company in 1809, his first post at Île-à-la-Crosse, Saskatchewan then an important supply depot on the fur trade route. This interests me because my grandmother’s family, the Daigneault’s were trappers in the area. Watson states that he thinks Baptiste was from Saskatchewan. He then states that Baptiste was in Spokane (1823) at the time Ogden was made Chief Trader by the HBC in spite of the fact that he had bloodily murdered an Indian for trading with them. Simpson felt he was just the man to accomplish the goals of the company now merged with the Northwest Company in an attempt to end the deadly competition between the two. Simpson initiated a “scorched earth policy” whereby Ogden was to bring back as many furs as possible, leaving none for the Americans. The rationale was that this would also deter settlement of the area. During the expedition Baptiste was on, 23 freemen defected to the Americans who promised a more fair return.
In the late 1840’s Ogden was in charge of Fort Vancouver where ironically, another ancestor of mine, Joseph Ovide Beauchamp was working as a blacksmith. What are the odds?
A special thank you to all my followers, wherever you are. Peace be with you this season of joy and reflection. Yolanda
In the early days of researching my father’s family, the Beauchamps, I came upon a website created by Dick Garneau, now deceased. It is called “Canadian History: A Distinct Viewpoint”. He was in pursuit of his Metis ancestry. I had been directed to a page which listed inhabitants of Detroit, Michigan who paid rent between 1707 and 1710. In the list, the two voyageur brothers, Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp (sons of original settler Jacques Beauchamp and Marie Dardenne) were listed as non-rent payers alluding to the fact that they were probably just there to deliver goods as “freemen”. We find the term “freemen” strongly linked to the Metis. It is certainly symbolic of the culture. Also on the list were two Bazinet brothers, Pierre and Joseph. Joseph paid a “town rent”. The Beauchamps and Bazinets were both from Pointe aux Trembles, north of Montreal. I should note that Jacques and Pierre were the sons of Jacques Beauchamp, my ancestor Jean, was their uncle.
Later, I came upon the website “Maple Stars and Stripes” and listened to a podcast called “Settling Detroit” with Suzanne Sommerville. She had written a book with two other members of the French-Canadian Heritage Society of Michigan called ” Le Détroit du Lac Érié 1701-1710, Volumes I and II”. In it are transcripts of voyageur contracts for Detroit. Some of the records for the Beauchamp family and relations found were:
On 30 May 1705, Jacques Urbain Rochert acting for the Compagnie de la Colonie de Canada, hired Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp to make a voyage to Detroit. Cadillac had been cleared of charges for trafficking in furs and alcohol and was on the way to lay the foundations for the great city. (p.312)
On 7 April 1707, Francois Ardouin, acting for Antoine de Lamothe, sieur de Cadillac, hired Pierre and Joseph Bazinet and Jacques and Pierre Beauchamp of Pointe aux Trembles to transport 300 livres worth of merchandise to Detroit. Again, the two brothers Bazinet, had married the two Beauchamp sisters, Anne and Catherine. (p.324)
On 25 April 1707, Pierre and Joseph Bazinet and Jacques Beauchamp borrowed money from a Montreal merchant, Pierre Perthuis to finance another voyage to Detroit. (p.326
On 25 April 1707, Jacques Beauchamp and Joseph Bazinet again borrowed money from Jean Baptiste Neveu, a Montreal merchant for merchandise for a voyage to Fort Ponchartrain (p.327)
On 5 June 1707, Pierre Beauchamp was hired by Francois Ardouin acting for Antoine de Lamothe, sieur de Cadillac for a voyage to Detroit. (p.327)
Also on that page is Toussant Dardenne, maternal cousin to the Beauchamp brothers, borrowing money and contracting for voyages to Fort Pontchartrain and Detroit. Toussaint is also found on the Census of Detroit in 1710.
On page 337, we find my 9th grand aunt, Barbe Loisel who married first at 13 and then twice thereafter leaving “no posterity” or children. On 5 Sept 1708, Barbe , as wife of Louis LeGantier, Sieur de Lavallée and de Rané who was in Detroit as an officer of the Marines, created an obligation or debt to purchase merchandise and wearing apparel which would be sold in Detroit. On 6 Sept she lent money for goods to Jean Gros/Legros dit la Violette of Lachine. As Dame de René, she had granted certain droits or rights to Jacques Alexis Fleury which he repaid in Montreal. We can see that she had gained status through her marriage. Also on this day she hired la Violette and Joseph Lamy to take her by canoe to Fort Pontchartrain to join her husband but not until she had formed a business association by proxy with Jacques Cardinal of Lachine and borrowed yet again for merchandise and equipment for the voyage from Madeleine Marchand. One might surmise that Barbe had been waiting for directions from her husband and once received she quickly implemented them. That marriage lasted 21 years after which she married an interpreter to the Ottawa Indians, Francois Fafard-Delorme. He died and she returned home to Montreal and died at the age of 79 on December 24, 1742 at the Hôpital Général. Barbe was sister to Jeanne Loisel, wife of Jean Beauchamp, pioneer, and my 8th great-grandmother.
27 Sept 1708 another brother-in-law to Jacques and Pierre, Pierre Hunault dit Deschamps signs an obligation for merchandise for a voyage to Detroit with his son Pierre Hunault and Pierre Chesne. Pierre was married to Catherine Beauchamp.
The names of the two sets of brothers, Bazinet and Beauchamp, can be found in Detroit’s first directory. Since their children were all born in Quebec one might assume that the list included those who were not permanent residents. The two families however, may be considered among the “voyageur families” . The names of Pierre, Jacques, Francois and Joseph who often worked under their uncle Pierre Hunault as well as Antoine and Henri are listed in the Voyageurs Database of the SHSB in Winnipeg. Their deaths are primarily recorded in Quebec.
What of the lives of the Bazinet sisters who married Jacques and Pierre, left behind while the men traveled? Catherine fared better then her sister, all of her 9 children lived to a reasonable age. Such was not the case with Anne. Out of the 18 children she bore, 9 died in infancy, including 2 sets of twins. She had married at the relatively mature age of 17 unlike our Barbe who was married at 13. One can only imagine the hardships of running a farm while your husband was away. Pierre died in 1722 at 46, leaving her a widow at 40. Catherine and Jacques both died in 1719, months apart. Anne seems to have outlived everyone in spite of her hardships, dying in 1751.
Sources: PRDH, SHSB, Ancestry.ca
Let us see how close we can come to pinning down the said Jacques Beauchamp who traveled to the Pacific with Alexander Mackenzie. What do we know?
Firstly, we know that all Beauchamps from North America derive from the pioneers, Jacques and Jean Beauchamp. In my case, Jean Beauchamp. We follow the family down from Jean, using the PRDH records for each child to 1800 which is when they stop. We need a Jacques who would be of age to be experienced and working as a voyageur at the time of Mackenzie’s hiring for the trip. The trip was in 1793 and the average age to start voyaging was 22 years. Most voyageurs retired, many due to ill health, in their 60’s.
We know that Jacques gained a reputation when he refused to embark when ordered to by Mackenzie (the canoe had pretty much fallen apart by this time, causing mutinous murmurs among the men). From Mackenzie’s journal, “The next morning, Friday, while the work of repairing the canoe was in progress, the two Canadian scouts came in, hungry, cold, and ragged, with a report substantially the same as that of the Indian. They had seen the larger river, however, but were of the opinion it would be necessary to carry everything to it, owing to the obstacles to navigation in the stream they had embarked on. The canoe was patched up and on Saturday the journey was continued, four men in the canoe, the others carrying on shore part of the freight. That morning Mackenzie experienced the first instance of disobedience to mar the journey. Beauchamp flatly refused to embark in the canoe when ordered.” (1) I suspect that Jacques was one of the scouts and realized what peril the men would be in.
The closest record I have so far of a family member who might have been on Mackenzie’s expedition is below. Again from the Voyageur Database at the SHSB.
The forename is different but name interchanges were common during that period. Joseph Beauchamp is the name that figures most prominently among the family voyageurs in Montreal and the Northwest. I saw no suitable candidates among Jacques Beauchamp’s descendants. The whole family of this Joseph was from Lachine, Quebec, the start point of all expeditions. There is a brother Jacques at the bottom but no contract for him.
Here is a map of the area and Mackenzie’s two voyages. undertaken to find a new trade route for the country. The northern route to the Arctic covered 4800 kilometres (3000 miles), the route to the Pacific, 3700 kilometres or 2300 miles all with 8 other men in a birch bark canoe 25 feet long. Mackenzie had been greatly influenced and inspired by Peter Pond‘s travels to the west.
It is hard to describe the vastness of Canada and the thought of crossing thousands of miles over any part of it in a canoe is well… rather incredulous. Never the less, the man was found in Mackenzie who lead his men on to the end, not without strong resistance. In Volume 2 of his book “Voyages from Montreal…” he records one of many incidents which tested the endurance of every man there, recorded June 13, 1793.
” Thursday, 13. —At an early hour of this morning the men began to cut a road, in order to carry the canoe and lading beyond the rapid; and by seven they were ready. That business was soon effected, and the canoe reladen, to proceed with the current which ran with great rapidity. In order to lighten her, it was my intention to walk with some of the people; but those in the boat with great earnestness requested me to embark, declaring, at the same time, that, if they perished, I should perish with them. I did not then imagine in how short a period their apprehension would be justified. We accordingly pushed off, and had proceeded but a very short way when the canoe struck, and notwithstanding all our exertions, the violence of the current was so great as to drive her sideways down the river, and break her by the first bar, when I instantly jumped into the water, and the men followed my example; but before we could set her straight, or stop her, we came to deeper water, so that we were obliged to re-embark with the utmost precipitation. One of the men who was not sufficiently active, was left to get on shore in the best manner in his power. We had hardly regained our situations when we drove against a rock which shattered the stern of the canoe in such a manner, that it held only by the gunwales, so that the steersman could no longer keep his place. The violence of this stroke drove us to the opposite side of the river, which is but narrow, when the bow met with the same fate as the stern. At this moment the foreman seized on some branches of a small tree in the hope of bringing up the canoe, but such was their elasticity that, in a manner not easily described, he was jerked on shore in an instant, and with a degree of violence that threatened his destruction. But we had no time to turn from our own situation to enquire what had befallen him; for, in a few moments, we came across a cascade which broke several large holes in the bottom of the canoe, and started all the bars, except one behind the scooping seat. If this accident, however, had not happened, the vessel must have been irretrievably overset. The wreck becoming flat on the water, we all jumped out, while the steersman, who had been compelled to abandon his place, and had not recovered from his fright, called out to his companions to save themselves. My peremptory commands superseded the effects of his fear, and they all held fast to the wreck; to which fortunate resolution we owed our safety, as we should otherwise have been dashed against the rocks by the force of the water, or driven over the cascades. In this condition we were forced several hundred yards, and every yard on the verge of destruction; but, at length, we most fortunately arrived in shallow water and a small eddy, where we were enabled to make a stand, from the weight of the canoe resting on the stones, rather than from any exertions of our exhausted strength. For though our efforts were short, they were pushed to the utmost, as life or death depended on them.
This alarming scene, with all its terrors and dangers, occupied only a few minutes; and in the present suspension of it, we called to the people on shore to come to our assistance, and they immediately obeyed the summons. The foreman, however, was the first with us; he had escaped unhurt from the extraordinary jerk with which he was thrown out of the boat, and just as we were beginning to take our effects out of the water, he appeared to give his assistance. The Indians, when they saw our deplorable situation, instead of making the least effort to help us, sat down and gave vent to their tears. “
Later, as I previously mentioned, in 1804, Jacques as steersman for explorer, Duncan Livingston was killed by the Esquimaux along with the rest of the party. If he was steersman for Mackenzie, he would have been in the seat when the bottom was smashed out of the canoe. Throughout Mackenzie’s book, we hear repeatedly of the fears of the native people; fear of the environment, fear of attack and fear of starvation, problems they still face today.